Guarding Guyana: U.S. Security Support Amid Venezuela’s Essequibo Ambitions

Guarding Guyana

U.S. Security Support Amid Venezuela’s Essequibo Ambitions

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The recent offer of U.S. security support to Guyana by Secretary of State Marco Rubio represents a significant shift in the evolving dispute over the Essequibo region. While Washington’s commitment to Guyana’s territorial integrity strengthens deterrence against Venezuelan aggression, it also places the small South American nation at the crossroads of a broader geopolitical struggle. To fully understand the implications of this development, it is crucial to examine the historical context of the Guyana-Venezuela border dispute, assess the benefits and risks of U.S. involvement, anticipate potential counter-moves by Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, and consider the wider ramifications for global power dynamics.

Historical Overview: The Essequibo Controversy and the 1899 Arbitral Award

The Guyana–Venezuela border controversy centers on a vast expanse of land known as the Essequibo region—about 159,500 km² west of the Essequibo River, comprising roughly two-thirds of Guyana’s territory. This controversy traces back to colonial times. In the 19th century, Britain (then colonial ruler of Guyana) and Venezuela both laid claim to this resource-rich area, especially after gold was discovered in the 1870s. A crucial turning point came with an international arbitral tribunal in Paris in 1899, which adjudicated the boundary. The 1899 Arbitral Award granted Venezuela the mouth of the Orinoco River and surrounding territory, but assigned all lands west of the Essequibo River to British Guiana (now Guyana). A joint Anglo-Venezuelan commission subsequently demarcated that boundary by 1905, producing official maps and a signed agreement.

For decades, this award was treated as final. However, in 1949, a formerly secret memorandum by a member of Venezuela’s delegation surfaced, alleging that the arbitral decision resulted from a behind-the-scenes political deal. Seizing on this, Venezuela formally revived its claim in 1962, declaring the 1899 award “null and void.” This led to the 1966 Geneva Agreement (signed just before Guyana’s independence from Britain), in which Venezuela and Guyana agreed to seek a practical, peaceful resolution while maintaining their respective positions—Venezuela’s nullification claim and Guyana’s insistence on the arbitral boundary. Crucially, the Geneva Agreement stipulated that if bilateral negotiations failed, the matter would be referred to an appropriate international body, and if the parties could not agree on one, it would go to the UN Secretary-General for a decision on the means of settlement.

After decades of stalemate, including a 1970–1982 moratorium under the Port of Spain Protocol, Guyana, in 2018, asked the International Court of Justice (ICJ) after the United Nations Secretary-General had determined that it would be the appropriate means of settlement (It was not a unilateral move on Guyana’s part),  to resolve the controversy. The ICJ asserted jurisdiction to adjudicate the validity of the 1899 Award over Venezuela’s objections, and as of 2025, the case remains ongoing. Notably, in 2023, the Court granted provisional measures ordering Venezuela not to take any steps that would alter the status quo of the territory while the case was pending. This ruling followed Venezuela’s announcement of a controversial referendum in December 2023, which sought popular support for annexing Essequibo. The ICJ explicitly instructed Venezuela to refrain from holding a referendum or engaging in other acts asserting sovereignty over Essequibo, such as granting Venezuelan citizenship to Essequibo residents or creating a “Guayana Esequiba” state. Despite this ruling, Venezuela proceeded with the referendum on December 3, 2023—claiming overwhelming public backing for annexation—and in early 2025, it even declared plans to hold local elections in Essequibo to install Venezuelan officials. Guyana has condemned these actions as illegal provocations, warning that any Guyanese citizen participating in such Venezuelan-run elections would be charged with treason.

Guyana’s position—backed by the 1899 Award and international law—is that the border was settled over a century ago. Venezuela, however, maintains that the award was fraudulent and that the Essequibo region rightfully belongs to Caracas, a claim deeply embedded in Venezuelan domestic politics and even school curricula as a “zone in reclamation.” The controversy remained relatively dormant in the late 20th century but escalated sharply after 2015, when ExxonMobil discovered massive offshore oil reserves in Guyana’s waters. The prospect of Guyana emerging as a major oil-producing nation dramatically raised the stakes and spurred a more assertive Venezuelan posture. In recent years under Nicolás Maduro, Venezuela has intensified its claims—directing its state oil company PDVSA to prepare for drilling in Essequibo, attempting to nullify Guyana’s oil contracts, and building up military presence near the border. This growing threat to Guyana’s sovereignty has pushed Georgetown to seek stronger international support, culminating in the United States stepping forward with security assurances in late 2024 and early 2025.

U.S. Security Guarantees for Guyana: Military, Economic, and Diplomatic Dimensions

U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s recent visit to Guyana in March 2025 made explicit what had been implicit – the United States is willing to extend security support or guarantees to Guyana in the face of Venezuelan aggression . Flanked by Guyanese President Irfaan Ali in Georgetown, Rubio warned Caracas that any attack on Guyana (or on Exxon’s oil installations) would “have consequences” and “would be a very bad day – a very bad week” for Venezuela . He pointed to America’s “big navy” that “can get almost anywhere,” underscoring U.S. capability to project force in defense of Guyana . Alongside the rhetoric, Rubio’s delegation signed a new security cooperation agreement with Guyana, pledging closer intelligence-sharing and joint defense coordination (including protection of offshore oil infrastructure) . This amounts to a quasi-security guarantee for Guyana’s sovereignty. Below, we assess the pros and cons of such U.S. security guarantees across three dimensions:

I. Military Deterrence vs. Escalation: On the plus side, an American security commitment greatly strengthens deterrence. Guyana’s own Defense Force is tiny, so U.S. backing serves as a powerful equalizer against Venezuela’s much larger military. Clear U.S. warnings – “there will be consequences for adventurism” – may dissuade Caracas from any rash attack . Joint exercises and the presence of U.S. military assets (e.g. a U.S. Navy cruiser was recently deployed for drills with Guyana’s coast guard ) bolster Guyana’s defense and signal that Washington is actively postured to intervene. However, this dynamic also carries risks. Venezuela may respond by militarizing further, digging in due to the perceived encirclement by the “U.S. empire” . The security guarantee could thus feed a classic security dilemma: while deterring open invasion, it might provoke Venezuela to pursue asymmetric military tactics (discussed later) or even invite extra-regional military support of its own. Another concern is that Guyana could be drawn into a superpower standoff – effectively becoming a potential battleground if U.S. and Venezuelan (and by extension, possibly Russian) forces were to collide. In short, U.S. protection greatly enhances Guyana’s immediate defense and confidence, but at the price of heightened militarization of the dispute.

II. Economic and Energy Security vs. Dependency: The U.S. security umbrella brings significant economic benefits for Guyana. Stability and investor confidence are crucial for a nascent petro-state. American guarantees reassure international oil companies (ExxonMobil, Hess, CNOOC, etc.) that their multi-billion dollar investments in Guyana’s offshore fields will be safeguarded . This helps Guyana continue ramping up oil production (projected to reach 1.3 million barrels per day by 2030, astonishingly above Venezuela’s current output) . Additionally, closer ties with Washington may open access to U.S. security aid, technology, and training, indirectly benefiting Guyana’s domestic security and ability to police its territory. Over the longer term, an American-backed secure environment could transform Guyana into a stable hub for oil and mineral development in the region, lifting its economy into upper-middle income status. The downside is the risk of overdependence on U.S. security and goodwill. If Guyana’s deterrence is essentially outsourced to the U.S., what happens if American priorities shift or a future administration is less committed? Relying on a great power can also incur costs: Guyana might be expected to align with U.S. strategic or economic agendas, which could alienate other partners. There is also the danger that overt U.S. involvement scares off certain investors – for instance, companies from states unfriendly to Washington (though China’s CNOOC remains involved, indicating economic pragmatism can override political tensions so far ). Another economic risk is that a militarized standoff could still disrupt Guyana’s growth – e.g. if skirmishes or sabotage occur (insurance rates for shipping might rise, etc.). **In sum, U.S. support greatly enhances Guyana’s economic security by protecting the climate for investment, but it could foster a single point of failure if Guyana doesn’t diversify its security and diplomatic relationships.

III. Diplomatic Backing vs. Regional Friction: U.S. security guarantees unmistakably put international weight behind Guyana’s legal position. Washington’s stance has already helped isolate Venezuela’s claim – apart from Nicaragua, no other regional government supports Caracas’s unilateral moves . With U.S. backing, Guyana’s calls in the OAS, UN, and other forums for respecting the 1899 boundary carry even more heft. It also strengthens Guyana’s hand in any negotiations, knowing a superpower is in its corner. However, the diplomatic picture is not entirely one-sided. Some Latin American and Caribbean leaders are uneasy with any hint of U.S. military expansion in the region, given historical memories. Guyana must tread carefully to avoid perceptions of being a proxy for Washington. There is a risk that CARICOM unity (which so far has solidly supported Guyana’s territorial integrity) could fray if the dispute becomes entangled in big-power rivalry. For instance, countries like Brazil have been supportive of Guyana – Brazil even helped broker a recent “Argyle Declaration” in December aimed at de-escalation – but Brazil also values regional autonomy and might not welcome a permanent U.S. security footprint next door. Likewise, states that are friendly with both Guyana and Venezuela (e.g. some OECS nations benefiting from Venezuela’s Petrocaribe oil program) could feel forced to choose sides if the U.S.–Venezuela rift widens. In essence, while U.S. guarantees elevate Guyana’s diplomatic leverage and deterrence, they could introduce new regional tensions and complicate the diplomatic calculus, requiring skillful navigation by Georgetown to reassure neighbors that American support won’t turn Guyana into a staging ground for wider conflict.

Unintended Consequences for Guyana: Domestic, Regional, and Long-Term

Even well-intentioned security support can yield unintended consequences. For Guyana, the alignment with Washington and the confrontation with Caracas could generate several ripple effects:

(I) Domestic Political Strains: Internally, Guyana’s society is politically divided (the two major parties historically draw support from different ethnic groups). While defense of sovereignty over Essequibo is a unifying national cause, there could still be debates about the extent of U.S. involvement. Some Guyanese may worry about sovereignty trade-offs – for example, if a U.S. security presence grows, will Guyana still control its own security decisions? Opposition politicians might accuse the government of inviting neocolonial influence or putting Guyana at risk of entanglement. Managing these perceptions is critical so that the Venezuelan threat does not become a polarizing issue domestically. There is also the matter of the local population in Essequibo: ensuring their welfare and loyalty is paramount. If residents of the sparsely-populated Essequibo interior feel neglected or caught in a potential crossfire, it could breed discontent. (Historically, Venezuela once tried to exploit local grievances – notably during the Rupununi Uprising of 1969, when Venezuela allegedly armed a short-lived secessionist revolt by ranchers in southwestern Guyana .) Guyana will want to avoid any repeat scenario by investing in Essequibo communities and demonstrating that U.S. support benefits all citizens, not just foreign oil companies.

(II) Regional Diplomatic Balancing: Guyana has earned strong support from CARICOM and most of Latin America by framing its stance as principled (respect for international law and boundaries). However, if the situation escalates militarily, regional solidarity could be tested. Neighboring states fear instability: a conflict could send refugees across borders (Brazil and Caribbean islands might see inflows) and disrupt trade. Guyana’s diplomatic stock could suffer if it’s seen as unwilling to compromise at all – even moderate allies might press Guyana to re-enter talks to avert war, especially if Maduro portrays himself as open to dialogue (even if disingenuously). Moreover, a heavy U.S. military role might irritate regional powers like Brazil, which prefers South American problems be solved by South Americans. Brazil under President Lula has tried quiet mediation – e.g. hosting a Venezuela-Guyana bilateral meeting in Brasília in January 2024 – and will want to remain the key interlocutor. Guyana could face the awkward scenario of balancing U.S. advice with Brazilian or CARICOM advice, especially if those differ. In the long run, Guyana’s standing in organizations like the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) or the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) could be complicated by an image of being too closely aligned with U.S. strategic interests. The unintended outcome could be a regional rift if not carefully managed, where Venezuela tries to rally its ideological allies against “U.S. interventionism” on one side, while Guyana and most others stress rule of law on the other.

(III) Long-Term Geopolitical Impacts: Aligning with a superpower for defense can have generational consequences. On one hand, if successful, Guyana may solidify its sovereignty and emerge as a prosperous, stable democracy – a new key U.S. ally in the Western Hemisphere with all the benefits that entails. On the other hand, there is a risk of becoming a pawn in great-power rivalry. Guyana could get caught in the crossfire of U.S.-Venezuela (and U.S.-Russia) tensions that extend beyond the original dispute. For example, should global events redirect U.S. attention (a different crisis or a change of administration), Guyana might find itself more isolated after having staked its security on external guarantees. This could embolden a future Venezuelan leader to renew pressure at a moment when the U.S. is less engaged. Additionally, a prolonged standoff might spur militarization in Guyana itself – resources that could be spent on development might be diverted to defense budgets, an opportunity cost for a small nation. In the worst case, a miscalculation could lead to an armed clash that, even if Guyana “wins” with U.S. help, would cause environmental and economic damage (offshore oil facilities are not hardened targets – a single act of sabotage or missile strike could devastate Guyana’s oil output and ecology). Another unintended effect could be on Guyana’s relationship with other major powers like China. China has significant stakes in Guyana’s oil and has so far maintained cordial ties with both Guyana and Venezuela. If Guyana is seen as firmly in the U.S. camp, Beijing might recalibrate its engagement (e.g. becoming more supportive of Venezuela in international fora to counter the U.S.). In summary, Guyana must navigate these downstream effects, maximizing the security benefits of U.S. support while mitigating potential fallout in its domestic cohesion, regional relationships, and long-term strategic flexibility.

Maduro’s Playbook: Counterintuitive and Asymmetrical Options

Facing a militarily superior U.S.–Guyana partnership, Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro is unlikely to risk a head-on conventional invasion of Essequibo, as such an action would invite direct U.S. intervention and international condemnation. Instead, Maduro may turn to counterintuitive or asymmetrical strategies to advance Venezuela’s aims and shift the strategic landscape in his favor.

One approach could involve “lawfare” and political maneuvers designed to challenge Guyana’s position on the international stage. Maduro may double down on Venezuela’s refusal to recognize the ICJ process and seek to take the controversy to more sympathetic arenas. Venezuela could lobby the Non-Aligned Movement or G77 countries to pass resolutions supporting bilateral negotiations over what it portrays as “imperialist” interference. Caracas has already sought to create a legal facade for its claim, with the Venezuelan National Assembly passing a law in late 2023 to establish a new “State of Guayana Esequiba” in the disputed zone. In a counterintuitive twist, Maduro could offer to temporarily pause such provocative actions and resume diplomatic talks—not as a genuine attempt at compromise, but as a means of stalling while appearing reasonable to third parties. This oscillation between aggression and calls for dialogue could divide international opinion and slow down the momentum of Guyana’s support. Another potential maneuver involves efforts to influence Guyana’s internal politics. By covertly engaging factions or opposition figures in Guyana, Maduro could attempt to push for a settlement that aligns with Venezuela’s interests, such as reducing reliance on U.S. security assistance in favor of a joint development deal. While Guyana’s political leadership maintains a strong national consensus on Essequibo, external pressure sometimes finds cracks that can be exploited.

A second approach could involve hybrid warfare and sabotage, allowing Venezuela to apply pressure on Guyana without crossing the threshold into outright war. Sabotaging key infrastructure would be a highly disruptive but difficult-to-trace tactic. Venezuelan special forces or proxies could be used to target offshore oil platforms, undersea cables, or shore installations, introducing a degree of insecurity that would impact investor confidence. Already, Venezuelan naval patrols have engaged in provocative actions, including a recent incident in which a Venezuelan corvette approached an ExxonMobil oil platform operating in Guyanese waters. Maduro’s regime could also employ cyber warfare to target Guyana’s power grid, petroleum ministry, or other critical systems, undermining its ability to function as a new oil economy. By using deniable or ambiguous tactics, Venezuela could create insecurity without giving Guyana and the U.S. clear grounds for immediate military retaliation. Additional asymmetric tactics could include deploying drones for incursions, using maritime militia, or hiring private mercenaries (“sindicatos”) to disrupt mining or drilling sites in the border region. These methods are particularly counterintuitive because they avoid direct military engagement, which plays to U.S. strengths, and instead exploit the grey zones of conflict where plausible deniability allows Venezuela to apply pressure without fully committing to open hostilities.

Another strategy at Maduro’s disposal is leveraging allies and great-power partners to internationalize the conflict on his own terms. One possibility is offering Russia access to military facilities in exchange for increased support, including arms transfers, intelligence cooperation, or the deployment of military advisors. Given Russia’s history of military collaboration with Venezuela, the appearance of Russian military personnel or naval assets in Venezuela would serve as a direct countermeasure to U.S. involvement in Guyana. Another high-impact move would be hosting periodic Russian naval deployments or long-range aviation patrols, actions that would immediately raise the stakes for Washington. Maduro may also seek to deepen ties with China, potentially acquiring advanced Chinese surveillance capabilities or defense technology to strengthen border monitoring along Essequibo. While Beijing has maintained a relatively neutral stance publicly, greater great-power involvement behind the scenes could complicate U.S. calculations. Beyond Russia and China, Maduro could tap into regional allies and forums such as ALBA, using Nicaragua and Cuba to amplify his claims and condemn U.S. “imperialism” in the region. Venezuela could also invite Cuban military advisors—who have historically played a role in training Venezuelan forces—to operate near the Guyanese border, or even conduct joint exercises with Iran, a growing defense partner. These moves would send a clear signal that Venezuela is not diplomatically or militarily isolated and would make the Essequibo conflict part of a larger geopolitical contest rather than a bilateral dispute with Guyana.

Economic and social pressure presents yet another avenue for Venezuela to apply leverage. Given the interconnectedness of the two nations, Maduro could attempt to weaponize migration and humanitarian channels as a form of asymmetric pressure. Venezuela currently hosts thousands of Guyanese nationals, while more than 40,000 Venezuelan migrants reside in Guyana, having fled their country’s economic collapse. By encouraging new migration waves or offering financial incentives for Venezuelans in Guyana to assert loyalty to Caracas, Maduro could inject instability into the situation. This could also be done more indirectly, by stirring unrest within migrant communities or spreading narratives of discrimination against Venezuelans in Guyana. While such a move carries the risk of backfiring, it introduces another potential front in the conflict. Additionally, Maduro could deploy an economic tactic in the form of a joint venture or revenue-sharing arrangement for oil exploration in the disputed waters. On the surface, such a proposal would appear to be a cooperative solution, offering a “win-win” economic framework that reduces tensions. However, its underlying goal would be to drive a wedge between Guyanese leaders—testing whether some might entertain a partial concession in exchange for economic benefits. Even if Guyana rejects such an offer outright, the mere act of proposing it could shift the narrative, painting Venezuela as the party willing to negotiate while portraying Guyana and its U.S. partners as obstinate and unwilling to consider peaceful compromise.

In executing any of these asymmetrical strategies, Maduro must carefully calibrate his actions to avoid triggering a full-scale U.S. military response. His overarching goal is to keep the Essequibo claim alive while weakening Guyana’s resolve and disrupting the country’s political and economic trajectory. By focusing on unconventional tactics, Maduro seeks to complicate what would otherwise be a straightforward U.S.-Guyana defense of Essequibo, creating proxy conflicts, economic disruptions, and diplomatic entanglements that raise the cost of Guyana’s resistance. Policymakers in Georgetown and Washington will need to anticipate these moves, understanding that Venezuela may not engage in a direct confrontation but could instead exploit indirect and unorthodox methods to achieve its strategic aims. Beyond preparing for conventional deterrence, Guyana must also develop countermeasures against hybrid threats, cyber interference, and economic manipulation, ensuring that its sovereignty is protected on all fronts.

The Wider Canvas: U.S.–Russia Rivalry and Resource Geopolitics in Latin America

The burgeoning U.S. security engagement in Guyana cannot be viewed in isolation; it is emerging within the broader context of U.S.–Russia and U.S.–China rivalries playing out in Latin America, with significant stakes in terms of influence and resource control. Venezuela, under both Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro, has long been Russia’s closest ally in South America, benefiting from Moscow’s arms sales, financial assistance, and diplomatic backing. Russia has consistently rejected what it terms “foreign interference” in the Venezuela-Guyana controversy, viewing the situation as part of its broader strategic opposition to U.S. influence in the Western Hemisphere. Now, with Washington drawing a clear line in Essequibo, the Guyana-Venezuela conflict has become another front in the global struggle between Western democracies and resurgent authoritarian powers.

One of the clearest ways in which this local crisis ties into grand geopolitics is through oil and energy geopolitics. Guyana’s rapid emergence as a major oil producer has shifted the energy dynamics of the Western Hemisphere. U.S. companies such as ExxonMobil and Hess dominate Guyana’s energy sector, while Venezuela’s vast oil reserves have been largely sidelined by U.S. sanctions targeting Maduro’s regime. American support for Guyana thus serves as a means of protecting a crucial new source of non-OPEC oil that enhances both U.S. and global energy security. At the same time, Russia and China have vested interests in Venezuela’s energy sector—Russia’s Rosneft previously held significant stakes in Venezuelan oil projects, and China remains Venezuela’s largest oil creditor. If Venezuela were to gain control over Guyana’s oil-rich Essequibo waters, it could bring Western-operated energy reserves under the influence of an anti-U.S. bloc, altering global energy markets. This struggle mirrors other resource conflicts: much as Russia seeks to control energy in its own regional sphere, Washington is keen to prevent Russia (via Venezuela) from gaining leverage over Guyana’s oil. The rivalry also extends to markets and production output. Guyana’s growing oil sector has the potential to undercut the influence of OPEC+, where Russia and other petro-states hold sway. Conversely, if Venezuela successfully asserts control over Essequibo, it would allow Russia and China to benefit from a larger share of the region’s oil reserves. In this way, the Essequibo controversy is not just a territorial matter—it is a key front in the ongoing global competition for energy security.

Beyond oil, the security dimension of this engagement reflects a deeper battle over military footprints and spheres of influence. The U.S. extending security support to Guyana aligns with its broader strategy of limiting hostile influence in the Americas, a principle that echoes the Monroe Doctrine’s long-standing assertion that foreign powers should not interfere in the Western Hemisphere. At the same time, Russia’s steadfast support for Venezuela represents an effort to project power into what Washington considers its strategic backyard. Both countries see Venezuela and Guyana as part of a larger geopolitical chessboard, much as Ukraine has become a flashpoint in U.S.–Russia competition in Eastern Europe. Some analysts have even compared U.S. backing of Guyana to its military support for Ukraine, as a form of extended deterrence against territorial aggression. Moscow has explicitly criticized Washington’s “interference” in Guyana, calling on external actors to show restraint—an indication that Russia perceives the U.S.–Guyana security partnership as a direct challenge to its influence. If the U.S. moves toward establishing a more permanent security role in Guyana—whether through joint exercises, rotational deployments, or even basing agreements akin to those it maintains with Gulf oil states—it would represent a major expansion of America’s defense posture in Latin America, one that Russia and its allies would likely seek to counter. Tit-for-tat responses could follow. Russia might increase naval visits to Venezuelan ports, bolster its military presence, or even forward-deploy strategic assets in Venezuela, as it did in 2018 when it sent Tu-160 bombers to the region. The U.S.–Russia contest for influence further amplifies the Guyana-Venezuela controversy, turning it into a proxy battle where each side tests the other’s resolve. Meanwhile, U.S.–China rivalry also looms in the background. China has significant investments in Guyana’s oil industry but also maintains strong ties with Venezuela. If Washington pushes Guyana too far into the U.S. security orbit, it risks compelling Beijing to more openly support Venezuela. How the Guyana situation unfolds will send signals beyond South America about U.S. credibility in defending allies and upholding international borders.

These strategic interests also extend into ideology and global order. Under Maduro, and Chávez before him, Venezuela has positioned itself as a leader in an anti-imperialist, multipolar movement aligned with Russia and China. By contrast, Guyana, as a small but rapidly growing democracy, now finds itself at the frontier of this ideological divide. The U.S. has framed its security support for Guyana as part of a larger mission to uphold the rule of law and defend democratic sovereignty against what it characterizes as a rogue regime’s illegitimate claims. Venezuela, however, has cast its position in historical and anti-colonial terms, arguing that it is merely reclaiming territory that was unfairly “drawn on a map” by external powers, invoking nationalist imagery linked to Simón Bolívar. These competing narratives play out in global forums, where Western governments and authoritarian states rally support around their broader ideological positions. For example, U.S. diplomats may point to Venezuela’s threats against Guyana as further proof of the dangers of revanchist expansionism, linking it to Russia’s annexation of Crimea and China’s actions in the South China Sea. In contrast, Moscow and its allies may accuse the U.S. of hypocrisy, arguing that its intervention in Guyana is another example of destabilizing interference under the guise of security assistance. The resource dimension of this ideological battle is also significant, as the control of oil wealth can strengthen one camp’s global influence over the other’s.

A historical parallel further underscores the stakes of U.S. credibility in Guyana. Just as Russia seized Crimea after Ukraine relinquished its nuclear arsenal in exchange for Western security assurances, some U.S. strategists see Venezuela’s moves in Essequibo as a reason to reinforce the doctrine of extended deterrence—proving that Washington will stand by its partners so that small nations are not left vulnerable to territorial revisionism. The outcome of the Guyana crisis will, therefore, reverberate well beyond Latin America, shaping global perceptions of U.S. commitments in a world where spheres of influence are once again being contested.

Policy Recommendations: A Balanced Path Forward for Guyana

Guyana faces the delicate task of securing its sovereignty and national interests while avoiding entanglement in a broader conflict or losing control of its diplomatic positioning. The best path forward requires balancing a firm defense of its territorial integrity and a pragmatic approach to diplomacy and regional engagement. Strengthening security cooperation with the United States has already provided tangible deterrence benefits, but this relationship must be framed as purely defensive. Any U.S. military presence in Guyana should be focused on joint training, maritime surveillance, and protecting vital infrastructure rather than being perceived as an offensive posture against Venezuela. By clearly communicating that American support is aimed at defending internationally recognized borders and ensuring stability, Guyana can solidify the legitimacy of this partnership. Drawing parallels to other small states protected by U.S. security guarantees—such as oil-rich Gulf nations—can help normalize the concept of external security assistance as a necessary safeguard in a rules-based international order. At the same time, Guyana should avoid hosting a large, permanent U.S. military base or allowing the deployment of nuclear-capable assets that could escalate tensions with Caracas or Moscow. The aim should be deterrence, not provocation. Regular joint exercises and naval cooperation, such as the drills conducted during Rubio’s visit, send a strong message while maintaining flexibility that avoids unnecessary escalation.

While U.S. security backing provides critical reinforcement, Guyana cannot afford to neglect its own defense capabilities or regional security ties. The country should continue its gradual military modernization by investing a portion of its oil revenues into strengthening the Coast Guard, expanding its surveillance infrastructure with drones, and building a well-trained reserve force. Even modest improvements—such as acquiring additional patrol vessels or radar systems—would enhance Guyana’s ability to respond to incursions and demonstrate a serious commitment to self-defense. Strengthening regional security partnerships is equally important. The ongoing engagement with Brazil should be deepened, with expanded joint border monitoring and potentially a formal agreement that commits Brazil, as a regional power, to condemning any violation of Guyanese sovereignty. Strengthened ties with Suriname and Trinidad & Tobago—both nearby and resource-rich—could lead to mutual security assurances and economic collaboration that reinforces Guyana’s stability. Additionally, Guyana should explore CARICOM-led initiatives, such as a regional coast guard or intelligence-sharing framework, which would position the security of Essequibo as a broader Caribbean and South American concern rather than a purely bilateral issue between Guyana and Venezuela. This approach would make it clear that any Venezuelan aggression would not only be an attack on Guyana but a challenge to regional stability, forcing Caracas to reconsider its strategy.

Legal avenues must remain a cornerstone of Guyana’s strategy. Maintaining its position at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and adhering to international legal norms provides Guyana with its strongest moral and diplomatic advantage. Georgetown should continue briefing allies and multilateral organizations on the status of the case, emphasizing that it remains committed to lawful resolution while Venezuela continues to undermine the process. Each provisional ruling from the ICJ, such as the December 2023 order against Venezuela’s referendum initiative, should be widely publicized to reinforce Guyana’s standing in the court of global opinion. While international litigation moves slowly, a definitive ICJ ruling that upholds the 1899 boundary would significantly strengthen Guyana’s legal claim. In the interim, confidence-building measures could align with this legal process. Guyana could invite UN observers or a neutral monitoring mission to oversee border stability and document any Venezuelan provocations. Even if Caracas refuses such initiatives, the effort would further solidify Guyana’s reputation as a responsible actor seeking peace through law rather than force. It is critical that Guyana resists any temptation to abandon the legal route in pursuit of short-term political or economic gains. The patience required to see the case through will be rewarded with the long-term legitimacy that comes from securing a final, enforceable judgment.

Even as Guyana refuses to negotiate its sovereignty, it can engage in diplomacy to prevent tensions from escalating further. Georgetown should remain open to dialogue facilitated by neutral mediators, whether through the UN Secretary-General’s office, CARICOM leadership, or trusted diplomatic partners such as Norway or Canada. Such discussions should not entertain territorial concessions but can focus on practical cooperation in border management, conflict prevention, or cross-border crime mitigation. By engaging in these limited forms of dialogue, Guyana can deprive Maduro of the opportunity to frame itself as the party seeking peace while Guyana appears rigid. One potential avenue would be revitalizing the Guyana-Venezuela Mixed Commission, established under the Geneva Agreement, to discuss development projects in the border region without touching on the sovereignty issue, which remains before the ICJ. Communication should remain measured and diplomatic. President Irfaan Ali’s firm but professional approach—describing Venezuela’s claims as “illegitimate” without resorting to inflammatory language—is the right model to follow. There is no need to engage in the kind of personal attacks that Maduro has used, such as referring to Rubio as an “imbecile.” Guyana strengthens its position by maintaining the moral high ground. Meanwhile, sustained engagement with the OAS, the Commonwealth, and the UN should continue, ensuring that Guyana’s case remains a priority on the international agenda. The goal should be to sustain diplomatic pressure on Venezuela and reinforce the consensus that any unilateral attempt to seize Essequibo is unacceptable.

The likelihood that Maduro will resort to asymmetric tactics means that Guyana must prepare for threats beyond conventional military incursions. Defensive measures must include bolstering cybersecurity for critical infrastructure, hardening offshore oil platforms with improved surveillance systems—potentially with U.S. technical assistance—and expanding intelligence-sharing arrangements. Guyanese security services should work with allies to track potential Venezuelan covert activities, such as illicit arms transfers or attempts to incite unrest in border regions. Publicly, Guyana should make it clear that acts of sabotage or economic disruption will be treated as serious threats and will not go unanswered. The government must also remain vigilant in managing Venezuela’s growing migrant community within its borders, ensuring that humanitarian policies are upheld while preventing potential political exploitation. If Guyana can preempt a Venezuelan hybrid warfare gambit—such as exposing a planned attack on an oil facility or revealing evidence of disinformation campaigns—it will weaken Maduro’s ability to destabilize the country. Anticipating and countering such moves will require proactive intelligence efforts, strategic communication, and a deep understanding of Venezuela’s potential playbook.

Even as Guyana strengthens its ties with the United States, it must avoid becoming overly dependent on a single great-power patron. The country has successfully cultivated economic relationships with China, India, and other key players, and should continue balancing these partnerships. It may be useful to remind Chinese officials that China’s oil giant CNOOC has a stake in Guyana’s offshore energy sector, and that stability benefits Beijing just as much as Washington. If China can be persuaded to take a neutral stance—or at least refrain from actively supporting Venezuela’s claims—it would further isolate Maduro and reduce the risk of the Essequibo controversy turning into a full-fledged U.S.-China proxy battle. Similarly, Guyana should maintain strong relations with other influential states, including the United Kingdom, which has historically supported its legal claim, and India, a major consumer of Guyanese oil. Diversifying its diplomatic relationships ensures that Guyana is not simply a pawn in U.S.-Russia or U.S.-China competition but is instead charting its own independent course. By framing its security alignment with the U.S. as part of a broader commitment to upholding international law, rather than as an anti-Venezuela move, Guyana can attract support from countries that may be skeptical of superpower rivalry but are committed to defending sovereign integrity.

The most effective strategy for Guyana is one that blends robust defense, legal and diplomatic engagement, and strategic international positioning. The recent security commitments from the U.S., exemplified by Rubio’s visit, have provided Guyana with an unprecedented level of deterrence against Venezuelan aggression. However, Guyana must remain the architect of its own destiny. By strengthening its self-defense capabilities, adhering to legal principles, and fostering diplomatic ties across a broad spectrum of nations, Guyana can navigate this complex geopolitical landscape with confidence. The Essequibo controversy is not merely a bilateral dispute; it is a case study in how small nations can leverage international law, strategic alliances, and prudent diplomacy to secure their futures. If managed wisely, Guyana can emerge from this crisis not only with its sovereignty intact but with an enhanced global standing, a stronger economy, and a blueprint for navigating great-power politics in an increasingly contested world.

Dr. Terrence Richard Blackman, associate professor of mathematics and a founding member of the Undergraduate Program in Mathematics at Medgar Evers College, is a member of the Guyanese diaspora. He is a former Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Visiting Professor at MIT and a Visitor to The School of Mathematics at The Institute for Advanced Study. Dr. Blackman is Chair of the Mathematics Department and former Dean of the School of Science, Health, and Technology at Medgar Evers College, where he has worked for almost thirty years. He graduated from Queen’s College, Guyana, Brooklyn College, CUNY, and the City University of New York Graduate School. He is the Founder of the Guyana Business Journal & Magazine.

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📩 terrence.blackman@guyanabusinessjournal.com